Judith Mészáros, Budapest, Hungary

Mészáros J. The Tragic Success of European Psychoanalysis: The Budapest School. Int. Forum Psychoanal. 1998; 7:207-214. Stockholm. ISSN 0803-706X.
By the end of World War I the Hungarian Psychoanalytic movement was strong and deeply integrated into the cultural life of Budapest. The paper discusses how Budapest lost its growing eminence as a center of European psychoanalysis because of the political social changes in Hungary in the year 1918-1920. The author examines the two waves of Hungarian emigration between the world wars, the first in the early twenties to the WeimarRepublic, and then in the thirties, to the United States and Australia. These moves of important Hungarian psychoanalysts, account both for the destruction of the BudapestSchool and at the same time for its influence in other counties. The author highlights the outstanding role of the American Psychoanalytic Association in setting up the “Emergency Committee on Relief and Immigration” and thereby saving the lifes of many European colleagues. America was open to European psychoanalysis and in return immigrants facilitated the development of modern psychotherapy and psychoanalysis. The influence of Vienna, Budapest and Berlin can be traced in the contemporary psychoanalystic culture in the United States.

Judith Mészáros, Ph.D., István krt. 13 Budapest, 1055 Hungary.

Like humanities and culture in general, psychoanalysis has suffered a lot in 20th century Europe, and survived only with painful, irreversible losses. At the same time these terrible difficulties have launched a variety of new developments. The road of psychoanalysis between the two World Wars was paved with serious losses and great developments, incredible schisms and wonderful encounters. I would like to share with you some of the results of my several-years-long research on the history of Hungarian psychoanalysts.

Budapest: 1918-1919. The Great Success
The years of 1918-1919 were turning points in Hungarian psychoanalysis: Ferenczi’s decade-long professional efforts had borne fruit. The Hungarian Psychoanalytic Society was perhapsthe most multidisciplinary group of the era. Among its members were many psychiatrists, as well as an internist (Lajos Lévy, who later became the doctor of the Freud family), and prominent writers and poets (such as Ignotusand Géza Szilágyi). It counted among its members also Manó Dick, the famous owner of a publishing house for literature in Hungary, which alto published psychoanalytic words, the ethnographer Géza Roheim, who established the discipline of psychoanalytic anthropology, and a wealth y benefactor of psychoanalysis, the chemist and brewery owner, Anton von Tószeghe-Freund. Ernest Jones, too, belonged to the Hungarian Society at that time. This professional-cultural plurality was a manifestation of Ferenczi’s main attitude: his interdisciplinary open-mindedness. This climate facilities the early positive acceptance of psychoanalysis among the humanities in Hungary.
In the last month of World War I, the Fifth International Congress of Psychoanalysis was held in Budapest. The main topic for the congress was the psychoanalytic treatment of war neuroses. Ferenczi presented some technical innovations in psychoanalytic treatment and Freud received them positively, The Congress elected Ferenczi to be the next President of the IPA. Anton von Tószeghi-Freund, one of the greatest supporters of the psychoanalytic movement, donated a substantial amount of money for the establishment of an international psychoanalytic publishing house, a library, and a low-fee psychoanalytic our- patient clinic. Freud himself thought that Budapest offered optimal conditions for the creation of the European center of psychoanalysis primarily because of the strength of the Hungarian Psychoanalytic Society. In my view, the popularity of psychoanalytic ideas among the avant-garde intellectual elite of the city immensely contributed to the atmosphere of the time.

World History “Mixes in”…
Political changes after the end of World War I in Central-Europe, the bourgeois revolutions in Hungary and the consequent political and economic changes of the following two years, brought about the first setback in the development of Hungarian psychoanalysis. In 1918 the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy collapsed. Hungary was among the defeated countries of World War I, and lost two-thirds of its territory in the Treaty of Trianon. The short-lived democratic republic was replaced in a bolshevik revolution and followed by a right-winged dictatorship within two years.

Psychoanalysis became involved in the turmoil of world polities. By then Ferenczi was so popular among young progressive intellectuals that medical students demanded that psychoanalysis be an official subject in the university curriculum. In the fall of 1918, during the bourgeois government,the conservative university council was against psychoanalysis, and refused Ferenczi’s academic appointment. By the spring of 1919, only a few months later, immediately after the leftist turn, the Revolutionary Coverning Council approved of Ferenczi’s posting as a professor and accepted his plan for the establishment or a Department of Psychoanalysis and a PsychoanalyticUniversityHospital. (1) Ferenczi’s appointment was signed by Commissar George Lukáes, the mint was signed by Commissar George Luckács, the well-known philosopher with high international reputation, who founded the BudapestSchool of philosophy and later sharply opposed psychoanalysis in his writings.

1919 was the year when psychoanalysis received a university chair at the BudapestMedicalSchool, and became an independent subject in the medical school curriculum. A dream had cometrue: psychoanalytic training and healing had received official status at a university. It was a time when education and treatment were pursued under one roof offering a unique opportunity for the establishment of a psychoanalytic institute.

That psychoanalysis became a part of standard medical training in 1919 cannot be emphasized enough. The highly conservative Central-European medical world had accepted a revolutionary mode of thinking. This progressive process fell victim to subsequent internal polities in Hungary, at the beginnings of Horthy-era. The right-wing Horty dictatorship in 1920 annulled all appointments made by the former leftist dictatorship, and took further vindictive sanctions. Ferenczi lost his professorship, along with his membership in the Budapest Royal Medical Society. After the short, comet-like years. Another quarter of a century passed before psychoanalysis was sanctioned to be part of standard medical training on another continent, the United States, initiated by a Hungarian analyst, Sándor Radó.

One-and-a-half years after the Budapest Congress Ferenczi’s dream about Budapest Becoming the European center of psychoanalysis turned out to be unrealistic; the historical possibility had vanished. (See: Table I) Inflation was so staggering in the country that even Tószeghi-Freund’s donation could not be salvaged from Hungary. Therefore, Freud’s publishing house was established in Vienna and not in Budapest. There were now real borders between the former members of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, so both traveling and communication became more and more difficult. This new status quo had its impact on the International Society as well. Freud asked Ferenczi to pass on his presidency to Jones; Ferenczi informed the members of his resignation in an open letter in the very first issue of the International Journal of Psychoanalysis (2). Jones’s eagemess to assume the position can be seen even on the cover of this first issue. Next to the name of Professor Freud, Jones’s name appears with two titles: as the provisional editor of the hournal and as an acting president of theInternational Psychoanalytic Association. Rerenczi¡s name either as president-elect or presidente-ex-officio, was omited.

From them on Hungarian analysts had to face a long period of losses and difficulties. The right-wing dictatorship stirred up anti-Semitism, and enforced the first anti-Jewish political discrmination in Europe: the mumerus clausus, which limited the number of matriculating Jewish students at the universities to 6 percent. The impact of these punitive and restrictive measures forced the beginning of the first wave of emigration of intellectuals to the WimarRepublic.


TableI. Losses of Psychoanalysis in Budapest (1919-1925).


Department of Psychoanalysis at the BudapestMedicalSchool Psychoanalytic UniversityHospital at the BudapestMedicalSchool


Ferenczi lost:

His psychoanalytic professorship

His membership of the Budapest Royal Medical Society

His presidency of the International Psychoanalytic Association


Numerus Clausus and the First Emigration Wave 1920-1924



Berlin                                      New York City.                              Leipzig

Radó, Sándor                         Lóránd, Sándor  

Hárnik, Jenö


For psychoanalytic training:


Bálint, Michael (Mihály)                                                               Benedck, Therese

Bálint, Alice

Alexander, Franz
Gerö, George (György)




The First Wave of Emigration: The Early Twenties.
Of the first generation of Budapest analysts, Sándor Radó, who served as secretary of the Hungarian Society from its inception, moved to Berlin. So did Jenö Hárnik and László Révész. Michael and Alice Bálint started their training in Berlin, and so did Franz Alexander. Therese Benedek went to Lepzig. The first Hunagrian psychoanalyst who settled in the New World was Sándor Lóránd. (see: Table II) Lóránd’s departure was especially painful for Ferenczi, who hoped that Loránd would pursue akind of psychoanalytic diplomatic liaison beween Czechoslovakia and Hungary. It was in the year of his emigration to New York, in 1925, that Lóránd worded a statement, so painfully understood by many others later; “Icannot see a possibility for a peaceful future her” (3).

In the following decade, in place of Budapest, Berlìn became the focus of the psychoanalytic movement. This shift brought about a change in the climate of the movement as well: the German analysts were more doctrinaire than their Budapest counterparts. They did not support lay analysis, either.

A generous donation by Eitingon had created a financial basis for establishing the Berlin Institute. Considering the earlier Hungarian experience, the profession eas mature enough to take this step, which was a huge one on the road to the stabilization of psychoanalysis. A plan for training had to be developed. The newcomer Hungarian analysts played an important role in the rapid development of the Berlin Institue. Radó was a member of the commitee which developed an educational program, today still serving as a model for psychoanalytic training all over the world. The young Alexander at that time wrote his name into psychoanalytic historyafterwards the names of these two appeared in the United States.

From the mid-twenties, Budapest revored from the first brain, and started to quickly develop again. This was facilitated by the return of Michael and Alice Bálint, who both completed their training with Ferenczi. Scores of new young people had joined the psichoanalytic movement. Public meetings of the Psychoanalytic Society were appealing to the uninitiated. Many radical intellectuals in Budapest showed ever increasing interest in psychoanalysis (4). Ferenczi continued his technical innovations to effect change in the therapeutic process. This hardcore experimenter was also responsive to the undertakings of his fellow colleagues allowing everybody around him to pursue their varying interests an strivings. This spiritual atmosphere soon created a path for psychoanalysis to address various questions in the field of child studies, which focused on interpersonal issues beween children and adults, as well as on the dynamics of the early mother-child relationship. Among Ferenczi’s analysands was Therese Benedek-she began her analysis in November, 1918-who was a resident in pediatrics when she made her first psychoadynamic observations in the late 1910’s. Much to her surprise she found that babies shared sumptoms with their mothers. Later she developed and elaborated on her work on the mother-child relationship (5). This atmosphere provided a kind of “intellectual imprinting” for some of Ferenczi’s disciples, including Margaret Mahler. Michael and Alice Bálint, and Géza Róheim. Otherwise some of his pupils went into markedly opposite directions, There was something in Ferenczi’s tenderness, intuitive capacity, permanent experimenting spirit and the associated anti-authoritaian acts, which allowed a high level of tolerance for uncertainty. For some pupils, Ferenczi’s approach was alltoo hemeneutic. Radó for example, was highly irritated by this attitude, and was more sumpathetic towards the Freudian strictness and austerity, in search of finding the alchemist’s pure gold of science.

Table II. Second Emigration Wave from Hungary (1938-1941)


United States                Australia                          United Kingdom              Ceylan

Ágoston, Tibor.            Lázár- Gerö, Klára         Bálint, Alice                      Gyömröi, Edit

Back, Róbert      

Déri, Susan

Feldman, Sándor

Gerö, George

Hann-Kende, Fanny

Rapaport, Dávid (Dezsö)

Róheim, Géza




1933: Turning Points in the History of Europe and Psychoanalysis.

In January 1933, Hitler came into power in Germany. In May-when Ferenczi suddenly died of pernicious anemia in Budapest – books were burning in German cities. The attempt to destroy European spirit and culture began. The scenes of glorified barbarism, of “the Evil burned”, and of witch-hunts were the overtures to one of the darkest times of European history.
Freud remarked sarcastically: Wmankind has become more civilized, they burn books instead of people”. Who would not see some hopeful anticipation in this bitter sentence-which remained, unfortunately, an all-too wishful fantasy?
In Europe, the book-burning was soon followed by the dissolution of the Berlin Society, and the emigration of its members. Eventually the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute was integrated into the infamous “Göring Institute” (German Institute for Psychological Research and Psychotherapy). Many of the German analysts settled in the United States, and some arrived in Vienna with the hope that the National Socialists would fall from power, so that they would soon be able to resume their old life and careers.
The turning point of Nazi expansion was the occupation of Austria: the Anschluss-in 1938. By this time, Hungary had passed the first codified anti-Jewish law1, which abolished the principle of equality, and was the first step in deprivin Jews of their civil rights.


International Solidarity

One week after the Anschluss, the American Psychoanalytic Society established the Emergency Committee on Relief an Immigration (6). The head of the committee, Lawrence Kubie, organized the international relationships, while the secretary, Bettina Warburg, helped the immigrants practically in all possible wqys. One member of the Committee was the Hungarian-born Sándor Radó, who was a founding member of the Hungarian Psychoanalytic Society and a contributor to the psychoanalytic training program in Berlin. He moved to New York in 1930 on the request of Abraham Brill in order to organize the trining program for the New York Psychoanalytic Society (7).
The activities of the Emergency Committee and its outstanding role in saving European analysts, deserves another chapter in a comprehensive survey of the period. Let me speak only the most important aspects.
First: The immigration policy of the US government slowed down the exodus, because the quota system previously established remained unmodified. This system was in force since the 1920s and at the time of the Anschluss; for instance, the annual quota for Austria was less than 1500. The American government was under exteral political pressure, and it had to use a lot of administrative maneuvering in order to balance substantial internal opposition. These legal ploys were time-consuming, and led to the loss of tremendous amount of time and many lives. One of the methods was to extend the-still relatively high-German “quota system” to Austrian citizens (on the ground that the Germans occupied Austria). In this manner, by the end of June 1939, a total of 309,782 Germans-including Austrians an Czechs-had applied for immigration visas under the quota(8). Thus, the activities of the Emergency Committee were to a great extent focused on obtaining visas above the quota-limits. A so-calle affidavit had to accompay the visa-application for apprval. The provider of the aafidavit was to attest that the immigrant would be his/her moral and financial responsibility, not posing a burden to the government.
As money was much needed, the Emergency Committee established a foundation, and asked all national societies and all psychoanalysts in the States individually to support their European colleagues. A unique professional collaboration had developed.
The last international congress before the war was held in Paris, in August 1938. This was the last one in the life of Freud, and the last one in the life of many analysts. During the presentations, the participants dealt with internal psychic events, and in the breaks, they discussed the threatening external reality. All personal concerns revolved around the question of emigration. Ernest Jones, the president ofthe IPA and the British Psycho-Analytical Society, was a key European figure in the organization of the emigration. His American counterpart was Lawrence Kubie, the president of the Emergency Committee.
The majority of the Hungarian analysts did not perceive the extent of the danger in the summer of 1938. There were some who decided to take the necessary step, and left Hungary in due time. Among them were the Bálints, Vilma Kovács, Fanny Hann-Kende, Clara Lázár, and Edith Gyömröi.


Time had arrived
István Hollós, the president of the Hungrian Society, wrote a moving letter to Kubie half a year later, in January 1939.A detail from the letter follows:
During the Paris meeting in August, 1939, I communicated to our colleagues that our Hungrian members had decided to stay under every possible circumstance in their country, and so continue their work here, as far as that is possible… Though our recent situation is not difficult, its turn to the worst can be expected in a very short time … Please would you allow me to put this serious matter briefly and ask you to inform us about possibilities, difficulties and the means we sholud try? A list of about 15 persons will be sent to you for your disposition (9).
Kubie’s reply is, in fact, a summary of legal difficulties against which the Emergency Committee tried to mobilize its forces. Below is a passage from the letter:
The situation whith regard to America is difficult, as you know. Law riglidly limits the number of inmigrants that may come in each year … So many aplications heve been received in the American Consular offices in Hungary that Iam told that the quota is over-applied for a matter of ten o more years. This eliminates any possibility of entering the country as a permanent inmigrant on the regular quota; and forces us to turn to other alternatives. You may rest assured that we will do everything that we can to facilitate the inmigration of our Hungarian colleagues (10).
Recently found documents help to complete the picture.. The two principal destinations of emigration were to the United States and Austrilia. Visas to Australia wer given to András Petô and Elisabeth Kardos, as well as to Clara Lázár-Gerô, her husband and son. The application of Itsván Schönberger was refused by the Australian authorities, perhaps for politcal reasons –he was a member of the Comunist party. The west distance itself from those in contact with leftist movements. There were some analysts who got a visa and decided to stay. Many decisions were based on trivialities –as seen from our historical perspective- e.g. the young Petös were having their apartement painted, and the husband landed agood job (Hanna Petô, Interview with Judit Mészáros, 1996). The couple remained in Hungary during the Holocaust, and Petö’s firt wife, Erzsébet Kardos, was killed just few days before the liberation of Budapest (11).
Who were those fifteen colleagues mentioned in the letter of Hollós? What was their fate? In a report by the Emergency Committee “17 Hungarians” are mentionated – without names- whose issues remained unsettled. But why? Was the Committee forced to choose among aplicants? Was this because Hungary, in the most critical two years of the Committee’s work, was not yet occupied by Germn troops, unlike Austria and some parts of France? Where are the missing fifteen names mentioned by Hollós in his letter in 1939? Many unanswered questions remain.
I cannot share with the readers all the exciting moments of my investigation; I can only report on the lucky moment when one day I found the following document in the Archives of the Payne-Whitney Clinic: Dr. Pfeifer from the Hungarian Psychoanalytic Society sent a telegram, probably in 1941:
Telegraph whether immigration for member candidates some with children over 18 possible on superquota and also help for registers. Superquota about eight. We have asked the National Refugee Service to have their representative contac Dr. Pfeifer to discuss the situation with him. From our files we are able to complete the following:


Eligible for non-quota visa: 5.
Dr.Imre Hermann, Dr. Itsván Hollós, Dr. Zsigmond Pfeifer, Dr. László Révész, Dr. Lillian Rotter-Kertész.


Requiring affidavits : 12.

Dr. Reneé Amar, Dr. Margit Dubovitz, Dr. Melchior Farkasházi, Dr. Miklós Gimes and Dr. Lilly Gimes-Hajdú, Dr. William Kapos, Dr. Imréné Major, Mrs. Kata Lévy, Dr. Magit Ormos, Mrs. Lilly Perl-Balla, Mrs. Zelma Sulamith Rubin Farber, Dr. Stephan Schönberger, Dr. Julius Szüts, Dr. Robert Bak.


Affidavits secured by the Committee: 3.

Dr. Géza Dukes, Dr. Elizabeth Kardos, Dr. Andrew Petô.


Although we are uncertain at the present time about the route by which these people could leave Hungary, the Refugee Service should make every effort to secure affidavits and to be in readiness to pay passage should the opportunity arise for them to leave.(Report by the Emergency Committee, in 1941. From the Archives of the Payne-Whitney Clinic.)
From the report of the Emergency Committee, in 1941, the numbers have turned into names, with their fates evolving behind them. Eight people received affidavits and non-quota visas, so they could have left Hungary before 1941. None of the eigth chose to emigrate before the war and many of them unfortunately bacame victims of facism. From the reports of the Emergency Committee we are able to follow how it continued to work and we can certain that the Committee had not set up political priorities or zones of endangerment in Europe. They helped as they could, as long as it was possible. It was a voluntery society –a real civil one- with a genuinely humanitarian intention and with the main goal of offering effective help to all those who needed it. Time was short.Robert Bak wiht his life left for Manhattan on the last ship form Casablanca, the ship that became a symbol of that time. In 1941, the United States entered World War II on the side of the Allies. The borders were closed. The destiny of European psychoanalysis was sealed, (see: Table III).

Table III. hungarians in the United States (1925)-1942)

The New York Psychoanalytic Society

Lóránd, Sándor  

Radó, Sándor  

Róheim, Géza    

Feldman, Sándor    

Hann-Kende, Fanny    

Back, robert    

Ágoston, Tibor 

The Chicago Psychoanalytic Institute

Alexander, Franz

Benedek, Therese

The Topeca Psychoanalytic Institute

Rapaport, David

Gerö, Gerorge

A New Beginning and Integration
Psychoanalysis suffered a terrible blow in Europe. On the other hand, the substantial emigration created new possibilities on the non-European continents, while it meant serious difficulties for the societies that admitted the immigrants. Those who arrived in South or North America, Australia or Britain fostered the spirit of the culture they were separated from. This was so with the Hungarian analysts, too, Many of them continued the intellectual heritage of the “Budapest School”, the heritage of Sándor Ferenczi (see Table IV). Therese Benedck, for example, as reported by her pupils, was an artist of authenticity based relational dynamic betwee analyst and patient, so highly valued by Ferenczi. She often told to her studens: “Look at your countertransference”! (Gedo J. Interview by Judit Mészáros. Manuscript, 1995). The Hungarians continued with this ethos, and enriched it with their own contributions. Some of them founded institutes, such as Franz Alexander, who started the Chicago Psychoanalytic Society, or Sándor Radó, who established the Psychoanalytic Clínic for Training and Research at Columbia University in 1944. Them, in New York City, psychoanalysis again became a part of the medical curriculum. What did not succeed for political reasons in Budapest, finally succeeded in New York City. The reputation of the Hungarian analysts is shown by the fact that many of them had gained the confidence of their colleagues and served various societies as presidents. Among the presidents of the New York Psychoanalytic Society we can find Sándor Loránd, Robert Bak, András Petö, while Michael Bálint was the president of the British Psycho-Analytical Society. An there is somthing that is even more important: their role in the development of modern psychoanlysis. Dozens of books, publications and reports of pupils witness their intellectual presence in present-day theoretical and therapeutic developments.
Psychoanalysis today has integrated the heritage of the immigrant generation, features of European culture together with local characteristics. The influence of Vienna, Budapest and Berlin can be traced in the American psychoanalytic culture. (13). These modern theories and practice, together with the revival of broken traditions, have influenced the developmemt of contemporary European psychoanalysis. Life is going on, in a more specific and integrative way.

Table IV. Analysed by Sándor Ferenczi


Bálint, Alice

 Kovács, Vilma

Bálint, Mihály

Lantos, Barbara

Benedeck, Therese

Lévy, Kata

Daly, Claude D.

 Lévy, Lajos

Dubowitz, Margaret

Lowell, Alice

Eder, David

Lóránd, Sándor

Forest, Izette de

Révész-Radó, Erzsébet

Franklin, Margery

Rickman, John

Groddeck, Georg

Róheim, Géza

Hill, Lewis

Shott, Ada

Hoffman, Ernest

Severn, Elizabeth (RN)

Hollós, István

Sokolnicka, Eugènie

Ignotus, Hugo

Szilágyi, Géza

Jones, Ernest

Thompson, Clara von (DM)

Klein, Melanie

Urbantschitsch, Rudolf
Adopted from E. Falzeder (1994)

The documentation for this paper was made in Washington, D.C., New York and London supported by grants from the Woodrow Wilson Center and the Research Support Scheme of the Soros Foundation.
I wish to express muy thanks to the fellows at The Abraham A. Brill Library of The New York Psychoanalytic Institute, especially to Nellie L. Thompson, Ph.D., the Curator of Archives & Special Collection, for their generous help.
My thanks are also due to the fellows at The Archives of The British Psycho-Analytical Society, Ms. Jill Duncan and personally to Linda Carter-Jackson for her valuable help in my the research of the Hungary-related documents. I also wish to acknowledge Michael Molnar, the Research Director of the Freud Museum of London.
Finally, my grateful thanks to Paul Bunten, Archives of Payne-Whitney Clinic, Cornell University Medical College, History of Psychiatry Section, in the New York Academy of Medicine, for his generous help.


1.- Erös F. Kapás I, Kis G. Giampieri PS. Sándor Ferenczi and the Budapest University 1918-1919. Documents of the history of a university department. [In Hungarian] Pszichológia 1987;7;584-92.

2.- Ferenczi S. Open letter (1919. Int J. Psychoanal 1920; 1:1.

3.- Lorand S. An Interview (1963), Manuscript. The Brill Archive of The New YorkPsichoanalytical Society.

4.- Erös F. A. Pszichoanalízis fogadtatása a kétvilághaáború kö<ötti baloldali szellemi mozgalmakban. In: Tanulmányok a magyar pszichológia történetéböl. Kiss G. Ed. Budapest: Akadémia Kiadó, 1997; 56-78.

5.- Benédek T. Adaptation to reality in eaarly infancy (1937). In Psychoanalytic investigations: Selected papers. New York: Quandrangle/The New York Times Book, 1973; 115-28.

6.- Jeffrey WD. After the Anschluss. The American Psychoanalyst 1989;2-3:6-9,23.

7.- Roazen P. Swerdloff B. Heresy: Sandor Rado and the psychoanalytic movement. Northvale, New Jersey. London: Jason Aronson, 1995.

8.- Breitman R. Kraut AM. American refugee policy and European Jewry. 1933-1945. Bloomington. Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 1987.

9.- Hollós I. Letter to Lawrence S. Kubie, January 9, 1939. Manuscript, Archive of TheBritish Psycho-Analytical Society.

10.- Kubie L. Letter to István Jollós. January 19, 1939.Manuscrip, Archive of The British Psycho-Analytical Society.

11.- Nemmes L. The fate of the Hungarian psychoanalysts during the time of Fascism. In: Jere life goes on in a more peculiar way. Psychoanalysis before and after 1933. Hamburg: Kellner, 1985; 92-97.

12.- Hale NG. The rice and crisis of psychoanalysis in the United States. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

Summaries in German and Spanish

Mészáros J. Die Tragik der europäÍschen Psychoanalyse: Die Budapester Schule.


Am Ende des Ersten Weltkrieges war die Ungarische Psychoanalyse bedeutungsvoll und ein gut integrierter Bestandteil des kulturellen Lebens in Budapest. In dieser Arbeit wird dargestellt, wie Budapest aufgrund der politischen und sozialen Veränderungen in Ungarn in den Jahren 1919-1920 seine wachsende Bedeutung als Zentrum der europäïschen Psychoanalyse einbüsste. Dabei werden die beiden Auswanderungswellen aus Ungarn zwischen den Kriegen erörtert. Sie Führten zur Zerstörung der Budapester Schule und zugleich zum wachsende Bedeutung als Zentrum der europäïschen Psychoanalyse cinbüsste. Dabei werden die beiden Auswanderungswellen aus Ungarn zwischen den Kriegen erörtert. Sie führten zur Zerstörung der Budapester Schule und zugleich zum wachsenden Einfluss in anderen Ländern. Eine besondere Rolle spielte dabeidie Einrichtung eines Emigrationskommittees durch die Amerikanische Psychoanalytische Vereinigung. Amerka war für die europäïsche Psychoaalyse offen und gab damit Einwanderern die Chance, die Entwicklung der Psychotherapie und Psychoanalyse in den USA voranzutreiben. Spuren davon finden sich in den USA noch heute.

Mészáros J. El suceso trágico del Pscoanálisis Europeo: “The Budapest School”.


De la Primera Guerra Mundial, el movimiento psicoanalítico húngaro era fuerte y estaba profundamente integrado en la vida Cultural de Budapest. Este trabajo discute cómo Budapest perdió su creciente auge como Centro del Psicoanálisis Europeo por los cambios socio-políticos en Hungría durante los años 1918-1920. El trabajo examinará los dos movimientos de la emigración húngara entre las dos Guerras. El primero en los principios de los años veinte a la República Weimar, y El otro en los años treinta a los EEUU y a Australia. Estos movimientos de Importantes psicoanalistas húngaros nos informan de la destrucción de Budapest y al mismo tiempo de su influencia en otros países. El autor destaca el rol tan significativo que jugó la Asociación Psicoanalítica Americana, estableciendo “Los Comités urgentes de salvamento e Inmigración, que salvaron la vida de numerosos Colegas Europeos. América estuvo abierta al Psicoanálisis Europio y de regreso los inmigrantes facilitaron el desarrollo de una moderna Psicoterapia y Psicoanálisis. La influencia de Viena, Budapest y Berlín puede Evidenciarse en la cultura psicoanalítica contemporánea de los EEUU. La Documentación para este trabajo se encontró en Washington. De New Cork y Londres, ayudadas por Asociaciones y Becas de Woodrow Wilson Center y la Fundación Soros.


1.- The first anti-Jewish law in Hungary: April 8, 1938. “Law on the more effective guarantee of the balance of societal and economic live” XV/1938. The ratio of Jewish people could not exceed 20 percent in the professions related to medicine, lasw, ingineering, press, theater and movies.